[2022-08-07] 纽时：社论——美国与中国的关系不需要那么紧张
![]() Aug. 6, 2022, 11:00 a.m. EDT
美国东部时间 2022 年 8 月 6 日上午 11:00
By The Editorial Board
The editorial board is a group of Opinion journalists whose views are informed by expertise, research, debate and certain longstanding values. It is separate from the newsroom.
编辑委员会
编辑委员会是一群观点专栏的记者，他们的观点来自专业知识、研究、辩论和某些长期价值观。 它与新闻编辑室是不同的部门。
China, economically ascendant, has become increasingly assertive in pressing its economic, political and territorial claims. The United States, which long treated the country as something of a charity case, now regards it as a rival and, increasingly, as a threat. While some tension is inevitable, the rhetoric in both nations has taken a bellicose turn. There is little trust or cooperation even on issues of clear mutual interest, like combating the Covid-19 pandemic or addressing climate change.
中国在经济上处于优势地位，在推动其经济、政治和领土主张方面变得越来越自信。 美国长期以来将该国视为慈善机构，现在将其视为竞争对手，并且越来越多地视为威胁。 虽然有些紧张局势是不可避免的，但两国的言辞已经转为口水战。 即使在共同关心的问题上也几乎没有信任或合作，例如抗击武汉肺炎大流行或应对气候变化。
The hardening on both sides was on full display this week. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi made a provocative visit to Taiwan to underscore America’s support for its democratic government, and China mounted an overheated response, staging military exercises that encroached on Taiwan’s airspace and territorial waters to emphasize its determination to establish sovereignty over what it regards as its own. China announced on Friday that it also would suspend communication with the United States on a number of issues, including climate change and efforts to prevent drug trafficking.
本周充分显示双方强硬的对抗。 众议院议长南希佩洛西对台湾进行了挑衅性访问，以强调美国对其民主政府的支持，而中国则做出过激的反应，举行了侵占台湾领空和领海的军事演习，以强调其建立主权的决心。 自己的。 中国周五宣布，它还将暂停与美国在气候变化和防止贩毒等问题上的沟通。
It is in everyone’s interest for the two most powerful nations on Earth to find ways of easing these tensions. Over the past half century, beginning with President Richard Nixon’s seminal visit to China in 1972, the leaders of the United States and China have repeatedly chosen to prioritize common interests above conflict. Building this relationship, for all its flaws, has contributed much to the world’s stability and prosperity.
地球上两个最强大的国家找到缓解这些紧张局势的方法符合每个人的利益。 过去半个世纪以来，从理查德尼克松总统 1972 年对中国的开创性访问开始，美中两国领导人一再选择将共同利益置于冲突之上。 尽管存在种种缺陷，但建立这种关系对世界的稳定和繁荣做出了很大贡献。
The Biden administration has ditched the xenophobic rhetoric of the Trump White House, but it has not offered its own vision for striking a balance between competition and cooperation. Instead, it has conducted America’s relationship with China largely as a series of exercises in crisis management, imposing sanctions for China’s human rights abuses in Xinjiang and Hong Kong while seeking its cooperation on Covid, climate change and the war in Ukraine.
拜登政府摒弃了特朗普白宫的仇外言论，但并未提出自己在竞争与合作之间取得平衡的愿景。 相反，它在很大程度上将美国与中国的关系作为一系列危机管理演习，对中国在新疆和香港的侵犯人权行为实施制裁，同时寻求在武汉肺炎、气候变化和乌克兰战争方面的合作。
There are several concrete steps the United States could take that might help improve relations.
美国可以采取若干具体步骤，可能有助于改善两国关系。
First, instead of relying on punitive trade policies rooted in fear of China as an economic rival, the United States needs to focus on competing by investing in technical education, scientific research and industrial development. It is past time for President Biden to make a clean break with the Trump administration’s failed gambit of bullying China into making economic concessions by imposing tariffs on Chinese imports.
首先，美国不应依赖根植于害怕中国成为经济竞争对手的惩罚性贸易政策，而应专注于通过投资于技术教育、科学研究和工业发展来进行竞争。 拜登总统与特朗普政府通过对中国进口商品征收关税来胁迫中国做出经济让步的失败策略彻底决裂的时候已经过去了。
On Tuesday, Mr. Biden is expected to sign the CHIPS Act, which includes nearly $53 billion to support domestic production of semiconductors, the building blocks of the digital age. This might be described as taking a page from China, except the United States was the first great practitioner of this kind of industrial policy.
周二，拜登预计将签署《芯片法案》，其中包括近 530 亿美元用于支持半导体的国内生产，这是数字时代的基石。 这可以说是向中国学习，只不过美国是这种产业政策的第一个伟大实践者。
The United States also needs to move past the old idea that economic engagement would gradually transform Chinese politics and society. Instead of trying to change China, the United States should focus on building stronger ties with China’s neighbors. Fostering cooperation among nations with disparate interests — and in some cases, their own long histories of conflict — is not an easy task, but recent history teaches that the United States is more effective in advancing and defending its interests when it does not act unilaterally.
美国还需要摆脱那种认为通过经济参与将逐渐改变中国政治和社会的旧观念。 美国不应试图改变中国，而应专注于与中国邻国建立更牢固的关系。 促进具有不同利益的国家之间的合作——在某些情况下，它们自己的长期冲突历史——并不是一件容易的事，但最近的历史表明，如果美国不单方面采取行动，它在推进和捍卫其利益方面会更有效。
Taiwan is an important part of that project. Ms. Pelosi’s visit was ill timed. The Biden administration’s most urgent foreign policy priority is helping Ukraine to defeat Russia’s invasion, and the Taiwan contretemps makes it only harder to persuade China to limit support for Russia. The substance of Ms. Pelosi’s message to Taiwan, however, was on the mark. The United States has long supported the maturation of Taiwan’s democracy, and it is in America’s interest to treat Taiwan as a valued ally.
台湾是该项目的重要组成部分。 佩洛西女士的访问时间不合时宜。 拜登政府最紧迫的外交政策优先事项是帮助乌克兰击败俄罗斯的入侵，而台湾的挑战只会让说服中国限制对俄罗斯的支持变得更加困难。 然而，佩洛西女士向台湾传达的信息的实质是正确的。 美国长期以来一直支持台湾民主的成熟，将台湾视为重要的盟友符合美国的利益。
The United States has long maintained a policy of “strategic ambiguity” with regard to Taiwan, selling arms to its government while declining to make any outright security commitments. Arming Taiwan remains the best way to help. But clarity could help, too.
美国长期以来对台湾保持“战略模糊”政策，向台湾政府出售武器，同时拒绝做出任何直接的安全承诺。 武装台湾仍然是最好的帮助方式。 但清晰自己对台政策也有帮助。
Tensions over Taiwan are rising for three interlinked reasons: The self-governing island has become more democratic and defiantly autonomous; China, under the authoritarian leadership of Xi Jinping, has become more bellicose; and the United States has responded to both trends by offering Taiwan stronger expressions of support.
台湾的紧张局势因三个相互关联的原因而上升：自治岛变得更加民主和反抗自治； 在希望的威权领导下，中国变得更加好战； 美国对这两种趋势做出了回应，向台湾提供了更有力的支持。
When Mr. Biden said bluntly in May that the United States would defend Taiwan against a Chinese attack, aides insisted he didn’t mean to shift American policy.
当拜登在 5 月直言不讳地表示美国将保卫台湾免受中国的攻击时，助手们坚称他并不是有意改变美国的对台政策。
But the White House should be clear that America’s commitment to recognize only a single Chinese state — the “one China policy” — has always been premised on the mainland’s peaceful conduct toward Taiwan.
但白宫应该清楚，美国承诺只承认一个中国——“一个中国政策”——始终以大陆和平对待台湾为前提。
Neither of these efforts — strengthening the American economy and building stronger alliances — is meant to isolate China. To the contrary, they offer a stronger basis for the Biden administration and its successors to engage China on issues where there are real differences but also real possibilities for progress, especially climate change.
这些努力——加强美国经济和建立更强大的联盟——都不是为了孤立中国。 相反，它们为拜登政府及其继任者在存在真正分歧但也有可能取得进展的问题，特别是气候变化问题上与中国接触提供了更强有力的基础。
Treating China as a hostile power is a counterproductive simplification. The two nations occupy large chunks of the same planet. They do not agree on the meaning of democracy or human rights, but they do share some values, most important the pursuit of prosperity.
将中国视为敌对力量是一种适得其反的简单化。 这两个国家占据了同一个星球的大部分地区。 他们不同意民主或人权的含义，但他们确实有一些共同的价值观，最重要的是追求繁荣。
The uncomfortable reality is that the United States and China need each other. There is no better illustration than the cargo ships that continued moving between Guangzhou and Long Beach, Calif., during Ms. Pelosi’s visit — and will continue long after her return.
令人不安的现实是美国和中国相互需要。 没有比在佩洛西女士访问期间继续在广州和加利福尼亚州长滩之间航行的货船更好的例证了——而且在她回来后很长时间仍将继续。标红字体均为楼主更改，与原文作者无关。
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